At best the Irish Settlers in Clanwilliam eked out a precarious existence. The Settlement could not have been called a resounding success both for the Settlers generally and the McCleland household in particular. After a number of unseemly fracases, Francis was granted a transfer to the newly created hamlet named Port Elizabeth which was supposed to have been their original disembarkation point.
It was here that Francis and Elizabeth would spend the rest of their lives. This episode, the final one, is the chronicle of that life.
Main picture: Castle Hill in 1851 painted by engineer Henry Fancourt White of White’s Road fame. Number 7 Castle Hill is the commodious double storey house on the right on top of the hill
Journey to Port Elizabeth
According to Nathaniel Isaacs, Rev McCleland sailed as far as Port Elizabeth with his wife on the brig the Mary, captained by James King, a Nova Scotian trader and privateer who together with Francis Farewell in 1823 founded Port Natal, which later became Durban. The ship sailed from Cape Town 26 August, 1825, arriving in Port Elizabeth 14 September. [Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa (Vol. 1)]
According to a booklet on Francis McCleland by Grizel Hart, Francis “was eventually moved to the Albany District and officiated as Colonial Chaplain at Graham’s Town until his appointment at Port Elizabeth arose.” Nowhere have I been able to confirm this fact or establish the period of his service in Graham’s Town. In spite of Francis’ predilection for copious correspondence, never does he mention this interlude.
The probable reason why Francis was transferred to Graham’s Town, if that did occur, and not Port Elizabeth, is because most of the 4,000 Settlers were being directed to the Albany District whereas the hamlet of Port Elizabeth in 1824 only could only boast of a population of 319 as per a census taken that year.
On arrival in Port Elizabeth in early September 1825 what greeted the couple was a windy sand swept little village. As Churchouse laconically comments; “It would have been difficult to escape the impression that the small number of little whitewashed cottages had a tenuous hold on the sandy coastline. The only street was ankle deep in sand”
However, their most immediate concern was accommodation. Forthwith Francis set to work imploring the colonial authorities to provide him with a residence whilst simultaneously prevailing upon them the inequity of their situation. With the church dithering, prevaricating and stalling on whether to provide a house for their first clergyman, Francis and Elizabeth were obliged to seek an alternative. Presumably, they rented a cottage for their first two to three years. Alternatively, they could have slept like many other Settlers in tents for whole or portion thereof.
Appointment and salary
Francis’ appointment as Colonial Chaplain to Port Elizabeth was confirmed in the Appointment List for the Quarter Ended 31st December 1825 in which it states that the appointment is effective from 1st October 1825 at a stipend of £ 150 per annum. Interestingly this official document refers to Francis as having been transferred from Clanwilliam. If in fact, he first obtained an interim appointment in Graham’s Town, this document would have stated as such.
At issue for McCleland was his remuneration. This became a bone of contention. Over his life, he directed a flurry of letters to all and sundry on his plight. In contention were two distinct issues viz the remuneration per se and the free use of parsonage house. As regards the absolute amount of his remuneration, the salaries of fellow clergymen on the Appointment List were also £150 per annum so this grievance was largely ill-founded.
The point that McCleland raises with a degree of insistence is the additional duties that he perceives that he was obliged to perform vis-à-vis his contemporaries. He enumerates various duties such as having to provide religious services to a mainly Dutch speaking community at Clanwilliam for which he was compelled to learn the language. This he did with alacrity except that his pronunciation was suspect. The other general complaint relates to the number of congregants that he had to service & their dispersal. With that as a point of departure, the other pastors probably experienced the same dispersal of the flock unlike that of their home country. Amongst the other duties, not least the which was the establishment of new churches. At worst, these responsibilities came with the job and at best were probably no worse than those borne by fellow pastors.
The Housing Imbroglio
However, where McCleland has irrefutable proof of inequality was in the lack of a parsonage house. All Clergymen in his home country as well as South Africa were entitled to the use of a parsonage house. Interestingly Francis always insisted that the house had to have a garden but whether they had a garden in Ireland is moot.
In any event, his complaint was founded on solid ground and not some arbitrary whimsical grievance. The replies to his entreaties to all & sundry awakened vain hopes that the issue would, in the fullness of time, be resolved. Yet it never was, at least to Francis’ satisfaction.
The issue of housing was addressed on 1st April 1827 when in lieu of the provision of a parsonage house, he was awarded a housing allowance of £40 per annum. Furthermore, McCleland’s salary was increased from 1st January 1828 from £150 to £200 per annum.
This was to result in a temporary respite and no more. Whilst in a letter on 6th March 1828, some three months after the 33.33% increase, McCleland was again to lament in a letter to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, about his woefully inadequate salary. In his rash intemperate protestation, he displays both a lack of graciousness and gratefulness.
Erection of a private Parsonage
Instead of acquiring a plot close to the shoreline, in November 1827 Francis purchased a stand close to the crest of the hill some distance from the other foreshore. The sum paid was a princely three guineas [three pounds and three shillings] conditional on his building “a good and substantial house” within eighteen months of the date of purchase.
In former days, the property extended to the site of the original Collegiate Girls School and Annerley Terrace forming the well-known “Parson’s Garden”.
The reason for the acquisition of a plot on the ridge of the hill appears to be pecuniary as he alludes to this fact in one of his numerous missives.
Indigenous yellow wood, sandstone together with locally made bricks and tiles were generously used in its construction. The style was the contemporary Georgian unlike the settlers to New Zealand who had adopted a more iconoclastic style. As a testimony to its sturdy construction, Number 7 has stood up remarkable well to the ravages of time and weather.
In 1831, Francis took a bond on the house for £150 and in 1836 Francis bonded the house for a further £500.
In spite of his protestations of an erf at the foot of hill, he was never granted a new erf. Instead at some stage during the next few years he built the double storeyed eastern wing onto the parsonage. This addition to the house consisted of a large room downstairs and a bedroom above it. The large bedroom was necessitated by the birth of yet another daughter, Anna D’Urban McCleland. The enlarged house with its wonderful view of the bay was comfortable and certainly large by the standards of the day.
Running a school
In order to augment his income, Rev McCleland decided to start a small school sometime during 1831. Being an era before females were allowed to attend school, this school would be for boys only
In order to attract pupils, Rev McCleland placed an advertisement in The Graham’s Town Journal on Friday 13th January 1832.
PORT ELIZABETH EDUCATION
The undersigned is of the intention to open a Day School for a limited number of pupils whose parents may be desirous of giving them a Classical education and some knowledge of Mathematics, Composition, Geography, History etc etc.
As the higher branches of learning will alone to attended to, the School will be open from 10 to 1 o’clock each Day (Saturdays excepted), so that the Pupils may have an opportunity of acquiring a knowledge of the Minor Branches of Education from other schools established in Port Elizabeth.
The want of a Classical School upon the Frontier has long been felt and acknowledged but Parents wishing to have their Children prepared for the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge or Trinity College, Dublin, can avail themselves of the facilities now afforded.
Terms: Twenty Pounds Sterling per annum to be paid quarterly and three Pounds fifteen shillings entrance.
Pupils limited to TEN but the school will be opened when it is notified that six will come.
F. M’CLELAND, A.B.
Trin. Col. Dublin
Col. Chaplain, Port Elizabeth.
Jan 9, 1832
Apart from the housing allowance, the church reverted to a medieval solution: the provision of glebe land. Glebe is an area of land within an ecclesiastical parish used to support a parish priest. Tithes were in early times the main means of support for the parish clergy but glebe land was either granted by any lord of the manor of the church’s parish or accumulated from other donations of particular pieces of land.
In Francis’ case, he was given some glebe land in an area called oponymously “Parson’s Vlei” on the outskirts of Port Elizabeth just off the R102 near Greenbushes. Even though the expectation was that he would earn some income from it, being a barren and worthless piece of land, it was rarely tenanted. As such, he was rarely to benefit from it.
St. Mary’s Church
By 1824 with a permanent white population according to the census of that year of only 190 people, the need had arisen for the establishment of a school and a church in Port Elizabeth. To this end, a meeting of inhabitants was held on the 20th February 1824 in the Red Lion Tavern under the chairmanship of Capt. Evatt during which a memorandum was drafted motivating their request. The Governor, Lord Charles Somerset, replied in the affirmative as regards a school but cited budgetary constraints in not being able to accede to their second request – a church.
Notwithstanding this rebuff, a further meeting was held on the 26th April 1824 to address this issue at which it was resolved that a subscription be entered into immediately. A committee comprising Capt. Evatt, Thomas Pullen, John Damant, Thomas Williamson, Andrew Nicol, and with Benjamin Green as secretary, was set up.
The committee’s response was not dilatory. Far from it. Shortly afterwards, money and materials to the value of RxD 2052 had been subscribed. Furthermore, by dint of hard work in April 1825, a large plot of land was granted for the building of a church, paid for by public subscription and furthermore a chaplain had been obtained. The location was ideal as it was situated facing what was to become the focal point of the emerging town: Market Square.
According to St. Mary’s Registers, the Reverend Francis McCleland was appointed as Colonial Chaplain on the 1st October 1825 and the first church clerk, William Roxby Hilton was appointed on the 15th December 1825. During October of that year, the foundation stone of St. Mary’s Church was laid by Captain Evatt.
Like all new settlements, there was insufficient space available of whatever description to accommodate their needs until the church was erected. To this end, a prefabricated building was utilised as a temporary church.
Even though the foundation stone of the church building had been laid in 1825, the structure was not opened for worship until 1834. In the interim, the congregation met in a schoolroom near the present St Augustine’s Roman Catholic Cathedral in Prospect Hill. Then as now, some humans unfailingly raise complaints about spurious issues. In this case, some disaffected congregants uncharitably raised objections about why the Chaplain’s personal residence was completed before that of the church.
In 1830 while the walls of St. Mary’s were being erected, the congregation faced another challenge: their numbers had outgrown the schoolroom that they were forced to use buildings near the St. Augustine’s Roman Catholic Church.
In order to fund the building project, the church was compelled to sell some of its assets. A Deed of Sale reveals that the Churchwardens sold three plots of church ground which included the whole of St. Mary’s Terrace for the sum of £ 33 to a Mr. W.M. Harries on 12th November 1833. From 1833 to 1839 Walford M. Harries was one of two church wardens at St. Mary’s Church. Some thirty years later, portion of this land had to be repurchased.
St. Mary’s Church operational
Finally after seven years since conception, in January 1834 after what seemed like an eternity, the Church of St. Mary the Virgin was opened for worship. There was rejoicing and celebration as flags were flown in the town and on the ship “Kate,” lying at anchor in Algoa Bay. The church had even arranged a choir of 20 members which were accompanied by a violin, a cello and a flute. Rev Francis McCleland used as the text for the sermon, the first verse of 2nd Timothy: “This know also that in the last days, perilous times shall come.”
The initial structure was definitely not an object of beauty as it was a plain oblong building with a roof of local red tiles supported by teak pillars. In effect, St Mary’s was a work-in-progress. Within their limited means, the citizens of Port Elizabeth had created their first church.
As money permitted, this plain structure would – over the succeeding years – be converted into something more graceful and dignified. Even if it would never be elegant, it was the first Anglican Church in Port Elizabeth.
Among the additions & modifications were the following:
- 1837 a new slate roof replaced the red tiles
- 1844 – a gallery was added at a cost of £ 189 and a wooden belfry made by Mr W.G. Butt for £ 18, was erected to hold the new bell
- 1847 – tenders were called for the building of a masonry tower
Yet again in 1835, another of the habitual Frontier Wars erupted like an unlanced boil. History would record this episode as the Sixth Frontier War. A Town Guard was formed and even a place of worship, St. Mary’s, was fortified for garrison purposes. Fortunately, Port Elizabeth was spared as the Xhosa tribesmen only reached as far as Sunday’s River.
Dissension in the Church Ranks
Also troubling for the recently created church, was one of the unscrupulous character traits of Rev McCleland. This quirk was first evidenced on the voyage from Deptford in London to Passage West in Cork in early 1820. Now it was to rear it nasty head again.
Typifying this approach was a penchant for making libellous statements and accusations about people in open forums. In addition, he would get other bystanders and third parties involved as well. Not only did this practice not endear him to the person whose name was being sullied but also to that person’s family & friends. In most such instances, the issue at stake related to the morals of a female.
In this instance, the issues evolved from a complaint by Capt. Evatt during April & May 1826. At issue was an allegation by Evatt that McCleland had travelled to Grahamstown without leave and hence neglected his Church Services. On the 16th May 1826, letters of outrage passed between them .
In response, Mr J.A. Chabaud, the Secretary of the Church Committee, either read or heard about the letter that Capt. Evatt and had written to the Government stating: “[I] do declare [that] the subject matter of that complaint or charge to be without foundation.”
The Church Committee also passed a resolution requesting Rev McCleland to accept the thanks of the Committee for general good conduct and usefulness as Chaplain. Copies of these resolutions were then forwarded to the Government with a letter from Chabaud.
Evatt retaliated by claiming that the Church Meetings are called “whenever they see fit without reference to him and he is met with marked disrespect.”
Bickering and misunderstanding continued from both sides – the Church Council and Mr Evatt – with Mr Chabaud being the intermediary, attempting to pacify all parties. However, later on, he and McCleland then quarrelled. Chabaud responded by stating “I hope that you are not in anyway interested or connected with him or his descendents for he [McCleland] is a most unamicable character.” Chabaud then continued to sully McCleland’s character even further. “Even on the voyage out he evinced a most quarrelsome, mischief-making disposition and is in constant hot water with one and another in Port Elizabeth after settling here.”
Remember that these gripes are being made about McCleland’s character flaws barely six months after McCleland arrived in Port Elizabeth.
At this point Chabaud gets to the nub of one of his criticisms of McCleland’s character. “There is barely a door open to him in the village [Port Elizabeth] through his having quarrelled with everyone but the malicious and scandalous reports [that] he sets in motion regarding a young married lady” ( who had visited Chabaud). McCleland “makes an attempt to blast the character and prospects of a beautiful but unfortunate young female and says some terrible things, which are worse, coming from a clergyman.”
In order to smooth things over, Capt Evatt decides to give a dinner party to which the most prominent people are invited. The morning before this takes place, Rev McCleland and his wife Elizabeth invite Mrs Chabaud – who is now hauled into the fray – to No 7 Castle Hill. During this meeting, they say the most insulting things about her guest, the young lady. They refuse to go to the dinner if “that lady is to be there.” They “suggest [that] Mr Chabaud inspan his cart and send her home immediately or their house would get a bad name, and many worse things.”
The poor woman returned home very agitated and informs her husband, Mr Chabaud, what had transpired. Incensed, Mr Chabaud writes to Francis for an explanation. Nothing is recorded of this.
When confronted, McCleland “hedges and prevaricates and even, in a terrible fright, says he is happy to see her at his house (No 7).” This did not prevent him from continuing the slander and tensions escalate until Mr Chabaud decided to deliberately insult Francis in the expectation that McCleland would either prove his statements or retract them.
Then on 12th August 1826, Francis drafted a letter to the District Secretary, Roselt, in which he details a confrontation between Chabaud and himself, during which he is called a slanderer and a pest of society. Furthermore, he requests him to intervene.
As can be imagined, the quarrel caused a great sensation in the small community for most of the leading members were involved, either directly or as a witness.
Mr Chabaud’s witnesses are Capt Evatt, Mr Dawson, Capt Sheaffe and Mrs. Chabaud. Roselt, the District Secretary is undecided who should hear this case. Ultimately, it is heard before the Court of the Landdrost and Heeraden on the 3rd November 1826. After lengthy evidence from both sides, Mr Chabaud is fined Rd300 and costs. Furthermore Mr Chabaud was considered a “peaceably disposed person and not a quarrelsome character.”
It was then admitted that “since Mr McCleland had taken up his residence in Port Elizabeth, broils and dissensions have become common.” Mr Chabaud in evidence stated at length that ”this Revd. Divine send by our Maternal Government to preach in this remote corner of her dominion Peace and Goodwill to all men” and continued by mentioning his own upright character in contrast to the irreligious behaviour of McCleland.
Additional revenue from Salt pans
Notwithstanding McCleland’s perceived injustice regarding his personal remuneration as not befitting his duties and responsibilities, Francis was equally firmly determined to do all in his power to raise funds for the church. His initial tack was to claim portion of the revenues from the salt pans in the Uitenhage district which had been granted for church purposes by the government.
Notwithstanding that understanding, the Dutch Reformed Kerkraad in Uitenhage had laid claim to it all. The tireless clergyman then began a prolific letter writing campaign, petitioning the harried authorities to acknowledge the right of St Mary’s Church to obtain their fair share of the revenue. Nonetheless, it was all to no avail.
What would any modern day employee do when their superior does not accede to their request?
Even two centuries ago to bypass one’s superior when lodging a complaint would have been a career limiting move. McCleland’s superior in this matter would have been the Secretary for the Colonies at the time, Lord Stanley whose boss was the youthful Under-Colonial Secretary, William Gladstone, a future Prime Minister of Great Britain.
Aware of his interest in church affairs, McCleland sent a letter to Gladstone – a future Prime Minister of Britain – raising his concerns, lamenting the lack of co-operation on the saltpan issue as well bewailing the fact that he was being required to travel hundreds of miles per annum in order to perform the rites of the church in the Dutch language. In effect, McCleland was conflating two issues: his remuneration or lack thereof & the financial situation vis-a-vis St. Mary’s Church.
During 1843, yet another blunder was committed, this time much more serious than the sale of the plots in St. Mary’s Terrace. The church property possessed some extremely valuable frontage to Main Street. In their infinite wisdom, the Select Vestry sold this to a Mr. W. Smith for the ridiculously paltry sum of £ 181. At that stage there was a servitude upon the property which prevented the stores built upon it from being raised high enough to block out St. Mary’s Church from the Main Street. This ill-advised decision cannot be attributed to McCleland but rather to the Church Committee.
The Rev Francis McCleland remained the resident Chaplain of St Mary’s Church for 27 years. From a desolate wind-swept village clinging for dear life on the wind-swept Algoa Bay littoral, in awe of its bigger siblings in Uitenhage and Grahamstown, Port Elizabeth grew into a strapping youth outgrowing both of its other siblings.
During the last years of his life, Francis’ health deteriorated precipitously, often making it difficult for him to attend to his pastoral duties. Perhaps this precipitated the decision to relocate McCleland to Sidbury. This fact was confirmed by an article in the Eastern Province Herald dated 9th June 1849 which commented as follows: “Rev. McCleland has been offered the vacancy at Sidbury but had not yet decided whether to accept or not.”
Finally, on 10th July 1853, Francis McCleland was no more. The end of an era had drawn to a final close. McCleland’s huge legacy was not only St. Mary’s Church but also nurturing its offspring such as St Paul’s Anglican Church in Albany Road and Holy Trinity Church in Central Port Elizabeth. Moreover, he can stake his claim as being the midwife to the sister churches in Uitenhage and Sidbury.
A.T. Wirgman magnanimously described McCleland as follows: “Mr McCleland was an Irish clergyman with the strongly marked tendencies of the Irish clergy of his day. He showed much energy in forwarding the building of the church, and has left behind him the reputation of being a very able preacher as well as an organiser of no mean capacity.”
Mrs Elizabeth McCleland
It would have been a disservice to have titled this paragraph, Francis McCleland’s Wife as this would have shown disdain once more for the women of the era. Despite my best endeavours to include some aspect of her life in this blog, I have been singularly unsuccessful. Apart from the standard information such as date of birth and date of death, I have only been able to ascertain one fact about her life.
Sometime during the early 1830s, Elizabeth suffered an accident which partially disabled her. What the injury was and exactly how much it impaired her mobility cannot be ascertained but what is known is that Francis applied for a grant of an erf in the lower part of town. He even considered building again. As Fuller notes, “[This grant] would enable Mrs McCleland to be much more attentive to her Sunday School, who in consequence of an accident is frequently incapacitated from going to church.”
Characterisation of Francis
Most of what is known about Francis, especially as regards his character, is unveiled in correspondence between various senior government officials. Few paint Francis in a positive light. Dyspeptic and quarrelsome would be some of the less negative characterisations that can be drawn from the various letters.
After a Commission of Enquiry to consider the settlers grievances in Clanwilliam had not released its recommendations in a timely manner, the Landdrost, Adrian Bergh had written to them in Cape Town appealing for McCleland to be removed. Bergh does not mince his words as he vilifies Francis mercilessly as follows: “Our Most Respected friend, the crooked Kelpie, and damn’d Parson will show his amiable face here; if therefore thro’ your influence we could be delivered from that “half man half beast disguised in that specious form a Priest” by having him sent to any post in the world, even Hell if you should think proper, the whole district would be as much rejoiced as if they were delivered from the torment of a Devil, and will consider this one of the greatest services bestowed [up]on them; for even the Old Wolf (Woodstock) is since he is missing the assistance of his friend that fox to guide him in search of prey covered himself with the skin of a lamb.
Francis’ less than Christian treatment of the kindly Synnot at Clanwilliam, exposed the man as uncaring and unappreciative of human kindness.
A final epitaph is provided by Bishop Gray in a letter to Reverend Phillips on 26th September 1853. Unfortunately it seals the fate of the memory of Francis McCleland. In referring to the replacement of Francis he states, “They have some bias at present towards low views, chiefly in consequence of their having had a minister for the last 30 years whom they did not respect.”
This is a sad indictment on Francis’ character.
Also troubling are rumours that Francis was a womaniser but this additional blemish on his personality could not be verified.
For all that, no matter how much one opines that people such as William Parker were vindictive towards Francis by maliciously casting him in a poor light, yet he probably reflected the essence of Francis McCleland as the weight of evidence finds Francis guilty as charged.
My vision of a parson since childhood is a kindly, soft-spoken person. Instead my research has revealed a person more in keeping with the gruff stern unfriendly countenance of the sketch of Francis McCleland.
Notwithstanding this, Francis McCleland was the progenitor not only of two National Monuments but also the McCleland clan in South Africa. As such, he left an indelible mark on Port Elizabeth which will never be expunged.
For this, we must be eternally grateful.
Related blogs on Francis McCleland:
Stellenbosch University: http://digital.lib.sun.ac.za/browse?rpp=20&order=ASC&sort_by=-1&etal=-1&type=subject&starts_with=0
Panorama of Port Elizabeth by E.K. Lorimer
The Rev. McCleland Story in South Africa by Grizel Hart
The Reverend Francis McCleland: Colonial Chaplain to Port Elizabeth 1825 – 1853 by Gabrielle Churchouse